Bibliographic Review Synopsis

African Identity Bibliographic Review

            I will conduct my bibliographic review on articles discussing the African identity in the Americas. I hope to look at identity as viewed by slaveholders and free whites as well as the identity of Africans as seen from their perspective, whether as a collective group or as sub-groups from the Africa that were creolized in the Americas.

            My first article is African Identity and Slavery in the Americas written by Michael A. Gomez. Gomez considers the lack of research conducted in respect to Africans during the slave trade and the misinterpretations of Africans as a homogenous group. In his writing he notes various nations of Africans that were brought to the Americas and their tendency to mimic tradition from the old world. Gomez discusses stereotypes of various African ethnicities and focuses on the point that Africans were not simply Africans, but heterogeneous nations of people with differences in beliefs, customs, religion and physical build and concludes that better research must be conducted to explore the identity of Africans in the Americas.

            The second piece I will look at is Black Laughter: Foundations of Irony in the Earliest Jamaican Literature by Barbara Lalla. This piece examines Creole blacks in 18^th century Jamaica and their impact and role in literature. It discusses songs and tales created by slaves that were generally funny and witty, but had strong painful undertones and discusses literature that stereotypes blacks in Jamaica as buffoons. I chose this article because I think the complexities of ironic literature can tell quite a bit about a specific group and because the article fails to recognize various African identities, focusing on Creole blacks. I think that is a good element to discuss contrasting views of identity with other articles.

My third article Socially Not So Dead! Slave Identities in Bourbon Nueva Grenada, by Renée Soulodre-La France, discusses the personal identity of slaves in Nueva Grenada. This article examines the heterogeneous roots of African slaves and individual identities. The article outlines numerous cases where slaves used colonial legislation in an attempt to attain freedom, procure a better quality of live in servitude and fight for their humanity. This article focuses more on the individual identities of various people and speaks of how identity was manifested in the slaves’ attempts to fight their oppressors.

For my fourth article I am reading The African Diaspora: Revisionist Interpretations of Ethnicity, Culture and Religion under Slavery by Paul E. Lovejoy. This article examines the idea that categorizing or understanding the identity of slaves is dependant on future research of African history and African identities in Africa. He argues that slaves maintained their culture in America, not as a survival technique, but because they still adhered to their home cultures and still felt a part of those cultures. Lovejoy examines religious cultures and the affect religion had on slave actions in the Americas and tells that “creolization” only happened after the Atlantic trade was ceased. His article stresses the importance of ignoring Eurocentric ideas in respect to slave identity and further examination of African culture before slavery to understand the various African identities of slave communities and individuals.

My last article, Mistaken Identities? Olaudah Equiano, Domingos Álvares, and the Methodological Challenges of Studying the African Diaspora by James H. Sweet looks at individual identification of slaves and the impact that their identification has on the study of African culture in the Americas. This article notes changing identities of various slaves, claiming one nation or ethnicity and changing their claims dependant on various situations, as a tool to make the strain of life in the Americas easier. The article touches on misinterpretations and erroneous correlations between nations and ethnicities of Africa, by Europeans, and explores the self-identity of slaves and why their self-identity may be vastly different than European interpretations.

With these five pieces of writing I intend to explore the identity of self among African slaves in the Americas, the identity of “nations” or transplanted and surviving cultures as well as the role of the European outlook towards African identity and the process of creolization.

Citation

           France, Renée Soulodre-La. "Socially Not So Dead! Slave Identities in Bourbon Nueva Grenada." Colonial Latin American Review 10.1 (2001): 87-103. Academic Search Premier. Web. 20 Apr. 2011

 
 

Gomez, Michael. "African Identity and Slavery in the Americas." Radical History Review 75 (1999): 111-120. Academic Search Premier. Web. 18 Apr. 2011.

 

Lalla, Barbara. "Black Laughter." Journal of Black Studies 20.14 (1990): 414-426. EBSCO Host. Web. 22 May 2011.

         Lovejoy, Paul . "The African Diaspora: Revisionist Interpretations of Ethnicity, Culture and Religion under Slavery." Studies in the World History of Slavery, Abolition and Emancipation 2.1 (1997): none. Academic Search Premier. Web. 18 Apr. 2011.


 

Sweet, James. "Mistaken Identities? Olaudah Equiano, Domingos Álvares, and the Methodological Challenges of Studying the African Diaspora." American Historical Review 114.2 (2009): 279-306. Academic Search Premier. Web. 18 Apr. 2011.

Short Essay #5

Short Essay #5

            A concept evolved over time, freedom is an idea embedded into every individual and its working definition varies dependant on one’s experiences and desires for their own liberation.  “The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano: Or, Gustavus Vassa, the African” is just that, interesting. Equiano’s account of his own life is interesting on the premise that he unintentionally lived an extraordinary life, seemingly unbeknownst to himself, and that his working concept of freedom constantly evolved in an attempt to liberate his body and soul from the shackles by which they were bound.

            The evolution of Equiano’s concept of freedom began in his boyhood where he was opportunistic enough to be born to a Chief of his nation in Guinea. Equiano spoke of slavery in his homeland and generally good treatment towards slaves, with one great differentiation being the prohibition of slaves dining with freemen. Interestingly enough wives and children were not to dine with husbands either, implying that in Equiano’s homeland freedom was partially afforded to all and restriction of liberties imposed on most. Upon the kidnapping of Equiano and his sister he began his journey to find himself as a man and to develop a new sense of what his personal freedom was to become.

            In Equiano’s early travels as a slave he is impressed with the notion that attaining education in Christianity and trade would deliver him from his shackles and he sought knowledge to no avail. Despite loyalty to his master Equiano was sold to his master Robert King of Montserrat. It is then that Equiano witness intolerable cruelties imposed upon black men and women of the West Indies, despite, himself, serving under a gentile and honest master. Being a seafaring slave Equiano’s view of freedom developed into a concept that one should attain freedom through honesty and not deception. It was this concept that prevented Equiano from flight and eventually his toils as a merchant afforded him the sterling necessary to purchase his physical freedom.

            Despite purchasing his physical freedom and possessing a manumission of freedom Equiano was not freed as his concept seemingly changed once again. Still trading with his former master, whom he still referred to as master, Equiano was not unbound from the injustices and inequalities imposed upon blacks in the West Indies. Many times Equiano was swindled in trade and was offered no legal recourse; as well he was nearly kidnapped on various occasions. It was not until Equiano eventually found the salvation of Jesus Christ until he truly became free. In his travels Equiano’s view of freedom transformed from physical enfranchisement to spiritual salvation and finding Jesus Christ allowed Equiano to not fear death and damnation, but to live his life knowing that his freedom would be delivered upon death. Ironically Equiano’s view of freedom had come full circle, though with different motivations. As a boy in early disenfranchisement Equiano hoped for death as seemingly a better alternative to the desperate conditions of slavery. As a spiritually enlightened man Equiano embraced death as his final journey to the kingdom of God, leading him to spread the word of Christianity to his African brethren as a vehicle to ensure their true freedom.

            Understanding Equiano’s travels to be unique it is adequate to say that his concept of freedom was similar to other Africans in the eighteenth century, yet also dissimilar. Equiano was afforded much freedom in comparison to many of his brethren. As embodied in Jeffrey Bolster’s thesis, an African on the seas had much more freedom of trade and movement than his peers on the plantation. To many slaves Equiano would probably have been considered extremely fortunate for his opportunities to travel and trade up to the point of purchasing freedom. Despite this main difference freedom through salvation is a constant in all cultures and religions, implying that Equiano’s final concept of his freedom could be shared with other Africans as well as Europeans.

            Equiano’s interesting and notable life paints many pictures of people and is a proof that not one group can be understood to act or think along a linear plane. Equiano experienced Europeans and Christians that welcomed him into their lives, churches and homes and taught him anything he wished to learn but he also encountered swindlers and rouges. In his travels Equiano was fortunate enough to serve under generous, honest and fair masters but also encountered evil and ruthless masters and kidnappers. These accounts surely imply that the relationship between Africans and Europeans was not an easily defined interaction, but complex and dependent on individualized scenarios. Through his travels Equiano gained, lost and again regained faith in man, himself and in God. His constant struggle with his own convictions and the heterogeneity of the morals of others shaped Equiano’s concept of justice and freedom into one embedded in salvation of the soul, not liberation of the body.

             

            

Essay 4

Short Essay 4

The peculiarities surrounding the application of the Freedom Principal in 18^th century France beg the question of the true nature of individuals and society in their attempts to liberate slaves that found themselves on the French mainland. Sue Peabody’s “There Are No Slaves in France: The Political Culture of Race and Slavery in the Ancien Régime” outline various judicial cases and legislation in place throughout the century regarding the nature of slavery in mainland France, as well as cites individual cases of the courts and the struggle for a definite answer among magistrates and legislatures. The writing serves as a fine documentary of key incidents regarding slavery in the 18^th century, but leaves one to formulate their own postulation towards the nature of the actions of individuals in this era.

Outlined by two very important pieces of legislation which were never put into place,  Edict of October 1716 and Declaration of December 15, 1738, all slaves in France must be in country for the purpose of religious education or to learn a trade.  (Peabody, 1996) Were any slaves in country for other reasons, popularly as servants to their masters, they were to be manumitted from slavery upon filing for their freedom with the courts. The early sentiment towards the nature of slavery in France coinciding with France’s acceptance of colonial slavery for economic gain leave the impression that the existence of slavery within the borders of France was only acceptable under the circumstance that a slave was becoming a more refined individual through religious endeavors or by honing their professional skills. Were a slave in France, either unregistered or not involved in proper educational endeavors, they were to be freed from their bonds. The mentality behind this doctrine leaves a strong impression that France understood the economical importance of colonial slavery and was unwilling to depart from the practice, but would not allow bondage in their homeland unless it was for the betterment of the individual and society. One can derive that the French sentiment towards slavery at home was from the stance of humanitarianism and progression of the French culture.

Individually there were three reasons for one to represent a slave in the courts. Generally speaking one would represent a slave for personal economic gain and payment, for practice and experience in the courts or from a humanitarian perspective. (Peabody, 1996) In many cases more than one mode was at play. This simple situation is an indicator of the general feeling towards slaves in France from my interpretation. While some represented slaves pro-bono and strictly under the Freedom Principal, others did so because it posed the opportunity for lavish and continual reward in payment.

France itself suffered from similar complexities and the occurrences of the late 18^th century highlight the duality in the nature of France. Registration of slaves evolved into registration for Negroes and mulattos. (Peabody, 1996) Poncet de la Grave lobbied for decades to have interracial marriage and child bearing become illegal, and eventually in 1782 saw his wish granted. Racial purity overshadowed freedom as freed slaves were commanded to leave France, slave owners were demanded to transport their property to the colonies and slaves in passage with their owner were forced into prisons while their owner conducted business. It is here that the motivation of those behind freedom for all can be questioned. Was freedom granted or fought for to create a society of equality or was it fought for to rid France of economic ties with Blacks and rid their country of a multiethnic population?

The duality of arguments against slavery in France shifted focus from the oppression of slavery to oppressing the black population. As with the motives of those who represented slaves for their freedom, there seemed to be not one, but a complex web of motives and reasons involved in the handling of slavery in France during the 18^th century. Some involved surely took action based upon their humanitarian ideals of the Freedom Principal while others perhaps masked their goal of financial gain behind a veil of those principals. France as a nation seemed less interested in any humanitarian method of thinking and acted in ways to ensure economic growth abroad while keeping the home front civil.

 “There Are No Slaves in France” excellently outlined the duality of the nature of man and posed the question of “Why?” Why did some staunchly oppose slavery, while others staunchly opposed blacks in France? It is my conjecture that the nature of France and those individuals that took part in the issue of Slavery in the 18^th century acted for personal reasons. Rarely does one act purely on the premise of an abstract, although their actions may embody the principals of that abstract. France acted in a way to keep the economy overseas strong and to maintain balance at home. Individuals acted in various ways dependant on their personal ethics. Although bound in overarching abstract ideals, this text indicates to me that actions taken in most cases were done so for the personal gain, or societal gain deemed best, of the individual.